500 Drones Launched From Iraq Toward Saudi Arabia — Region on Edge

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Iraq Becomes Drone War Battlefield as Iran-Backed Militias Strike Gulf States. Five Hundred drone attacks from Iraqi territory hit Saudi Arabia and beyond, raising fears of a hidden regional war spiraling out of control By Dr. Pshtiwan Faraj, SULAIMANI,   Kurdish Policy Analysis , April 21--  Iraqi militia groups close to Iran have fired dozens of drones at Saudi Arabia and the Gulf countries during the war; This has created a “silent” war in the midst of the Great War. According to a report in the Wall Street Journal on Tuesday, April 21, 2026, half of the 1,000 drone strikes against Saudi Arabia were from within Iraqi territory. The report cited a Saudi security assessment that said the attacks targeted sensitive positions, including the Yanbu refinery on the Red Sea and oil fields in eastern Saudi Arabia. The report said the drones hit not only Saudi Arabia, but also Kuwait's only civilian airport. Even after US President Donald Trump announced a ceasefire earlier this...

A new power axis is quietly reshaping Iraq and they Position Sudani for Second Term

 

Iraq’s Emerging Power Axis Positions Sudani for Second Term as New political bloc captures key institutions, sidelining traditional power centres and reshaping post-2003 order. An emerging political axis in Iraq is consolidating institutional control and positioning Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani for a second term, challenging traditional power structures.

Kurdish Policy Analysis / SULAIMANI  A new political axis is quietly consolidating power across Iraq’s state institutions, positioning Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani for a likely second term while reshaping the country’s post-2003 political order.

The emerging bloc—bringing together Qais al-Khazali, Bafel Talabani, Mohammed al-Halbousi and Ammar al-Hakim—has, over recent months, secured control over key institutional levers in what analysts describe as a “cascading” consolidation of power.

Rather than relying solely on parliamentary numbers, the bloc’s strength lies in its positioning within the state. The speakership of parliament is held by Halbousi’s camp, while the first deputy speakership is controlled by Khazali-aligned forces—two roles central to legislative agenda-setting and procedural control.

Both posts were secured despite opposition from long-standing power centres led by Masoud Barzani and Nouri al-Maliki, signaling a shift in Iraq’s political balance well before recent presidential developments.

Institutional leverage over numerical strength

The bloc’s ability to impose outcomes predates the latest presidential vote. A pattern of coordinated action had already emerged in earlier parliamentary and provincial contests, suggesting a structured alliance rather than ad hoc cooperation.

This coordination extended beyond Baghdad into local governance, particularly in disputed and strategically sensitive areas such as Kirkuk and Salahuddin, where power-sharing arrangements reflected the same alignment.

The decisive moment came during the April 11, 2026 parliamentary session, which proceeded despite a boycott by Barzani- and Maliki-aligned factions. The session ultimately resulted in the election of Abdul Latif Rashid’s successor framework being reinforced through the selection of a new president, demonstrating the bloc’s ability to overcome institutional thresholds.

Why the presidency mattered

Under Iraq’s constitution, electing a president requires a two-thirds quorum—at least 220 members of parliament—making it one of the system’s highest procedural hurdles. By contrast, appointing a prime minister requires only a simple majority.

Because the president formally tasks the prime minister-designate, the presidential vote typically reflects broad consensus and effectively determines the trajectory of government formation.

By pushing the presidential session through despite the boycott, the emerging axis demonstrated that opposition forces could not block even the higher threshold. Analysts say this has direct implications for the premiership.

“If they could not stop the harder vote, stopping the easier one becomes significantly less likely,” one political observer noted, pointing to the structural asymmetry that now favors Sudani.

Toward a second term—and systemic change

While Maliki remains strongly opposed to a second Sudani term, and retains backing among segments of the Coordination Framework, the balance of power appears to be shifting toward parliamentary resolution rather than intra-bloc consensus.

Should Sudani secure a second term through this mechanism, it would mark more than a leadership continuation. It could signal the effective fragmentation of the Coordination Framework, long a cornerstone of Iraq’s post-2003 political architecture.

Such a development would indicate a broader transformation: the gradual erosion of the traditional sectarian power-sharing system in favor of a more fluid, institutionally driven political order.

For now, the emerging axis appears less a temporary alignment than a reconfiguration of power—one that is steadily redrawing Iraq’s political map in real time.

Risk Analysis 

  • Breakdown of Coordination Framework: Potential fragmentation of Shia political unity
  • Kurdish political recalibration: Increased pressure on KDP influence vs PUK alignment
  • Sunni power consolidation: Halbousi’s role strengthens institutional leverage
  • Disputed territories risk: Kirkuk and Salahuddin may become bargaining arenas
  • Governance stability vs centralization: Stronger state control may come with political exclusion

A new cross-sectarian political bloc in Iraq is quietly consolidating power across state institutions and could dominate politics—potentially keeping Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani in power.

 Key Arguments of the new power axis

1) A new alliance is forming across sectarian lines

  • The bloc brings together major figures from Shia, Sunni, and Kurdish politics.
  • It includes leaders like Sudani, Khazali, Halbousi, Talabani, and Hakim.
  • This is not ideological unity—it’s a pragmatic power alliance.

 In simple terms: Old sectarian divisions matter less than shared interest in power and control.

2) It is capturing the state from the inside

  • The bloc is gradually taking control of key institutions (government, parliament, bureaucracy).
  • This is happening step-by-step, not through one big event.

 Think of it as: A slow takeover, not a sudden political shift.

3) Numbers alone don’t explain its strength

  • The bloc’s power is not just about parliamentary seats.
  • Its real strength comes from:
    • Coordination between leaders
    • Control of institutions
    • Ability to strike deals across factions

 So: It’s about how power is used, not just how many seats they have.

4) It reflects a shift in Iraqi politics

  • Iraq’s system has long been based on sectarian power-sharing after 2003.
  • This bloc shows a move toward elite-driven coalitions that cut across sectarian lines.
  • But this doesn’t mean reform—it may just be a new way for elites to dominate.

 In short: Less sectarian rhetoric, but same elite politics underneath.

5) It sidelines reformist and protest forces

  • The bloc’s rise comes as:
    • Reform movements weaken
    • Independent actors lose influence
  • Iraq’s political system still favors established elites and patronage networks.

 Meaning: The system is becoming more closed, not more democratic.

6) It could secure Sudani a second term

  • With this alliance, Sudani is positioned to:
    • Build a stable governing majority
    • Avoid past political deadlock
  • This would mark continuity rather than change.

 Bottom Line

  • Iraq is not moving beyond elite politics—it’s reorganizing it.
  • Sectarian divisions are being replaced (partly) by cross-sectarian elite cooperation.
  • But instead of reform, this may lead to more centralized, entrenched power.

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